What is the effect of engaging in various kinds of sexual encounters in preadolescence? No simple, categorical answer can be given to this question, for the encounters are varied in quality, and authentic empirically-based evidence is inadequate for answering the question. According to Ford and Beach, societies that severely restrict adolescent and preadolescent sex play, those that enjoin girls to be modest, retiring, and submissive appear to produce adult women who are incapable or at least unwilling to be sexually aggressive.
The feminine products of such cultural training are likely to remain relatively inactive
even during marital coitus. And, quite commonly, they do not experience
complete and satisfying orgasm. In contrast, the societies which
permit or encourage early sex play usually allow females a greater degree
of freedom in seeking sexual contacts. Under such circumstances
the sexual performance of the mature women appears to be characterized
by a certain degree of aggression, to include definite and vigorous activity,
and to result regularly in complete and satisfying orgasm.
This is a large claim, it would appear to be logical given what we now know
about socialization in general, but it would require more rigorous empirical
evidence before such cause-effect relationship could be accepted
as fact. It is a sweeping generalization that should be treated
as hypothesis rather than as established fact. Adequate evidence to
support the generalization is not at hand nor is evidence to disprove
it. (Ford and Beach, 1951, p. 266).
Case histories of preadolescents are not wanting in support for the
idea that good instruction in sexuality is desired and desirable.
Adequate sex information when I was in grade
school could have prevented many, many agonizing
experiences and granted me many more years
of dating fun. Only a person as naive as I was
might become horrified at a delay in their
menses and think they have become pregnant by
being too close to a sweating boy. I did!
Although it was not until my later years that my
interests became heterosexual, interest in the
basic facts of sex developed very early in the
formative years. Basic attitudes were instilled at
this age, e.g., interest in the genitals and
breasts, curiosity about the origin of babies, and
the indecency of the naked body.
Since many of my
ideas about sex were ill-founded and because much
of the instruction I received was not satisfactory
or complete, I can agree with some sociologists
who point to preadolescence as a vital stage
of life for learning about sex and who call for
more complete and knowledgeable instruction at a
younger age than it is now offered.
In analyzing my sex education in the home, I
must admit it has been somewhat on the lean
side; however, being fairly well read, having
access to both church and school libraries, as
well as the usual "street corner" sources, I
have been able to satisfy myself on most doubtful
points.
In sum, recognizing the inadequacy of the empirical evidence, what
can we say about the outcomes of preadolescent sexual encounters? Except
for severe cases of violence, force or rape it would appear that
preadolescents take their sexual encounters in stride. Most do not
prove to be debilitating.
On the other hand, it would be wrong to conclude
that the sexual and erotic encounters of children and preadolescents
when coupled with repressive and incredibly poor sex education
contribute to the best experience and best preparation for adolescence
and adulthood.
Some of the effects of a repressive milieu in infancy,
childhood, and preadolescence are apparent in the sexual encounters of
adolescents. But that is not a part of this study.