Since relationships are learned, an infant is not likely to form intimate relationships with anyone throughout his life time if no one has ever formed intimate relationships with him. (Landreth, 1967). In the first eighteen months of life, autoerotic activity, in the form of genital play, has been shown to be an indicator of whether or not the infant is having adequate affectional encounters with others.
Where the
infant-mother encounters are positive and at a maximum, infants engage
in autoerotic activities occasionally when by themselves. Among children
reared in private families, Spitz (1949) found that sixteen out of
seventeen infants manifested genital play within the first year at ages
which were on the average two months earlier than those of infants
cared for in nurseries. In situations where intimate encounters are inadequate,
rocking-rhythmic movements back and forth or from side to
side, commonly in a sitting position and commonly involving head banging-
results; when personal encounters are normal, genital play results.
Where the encounters between mother and infant were "optimal" in
the first year of life, genital play was present in all cases and general
development surpassed that of the average infant in all respects.
Where the encounters between mother and infant were problematic, genital
play was much rarer and other activities tended to replace it. Finally,
when infant-mother encounters were absent, genital play was
completely missing.
These findings support the assumption that during
the first year of life autoerotic activities vary with the nature of
the relationship between the infant and those with whom he has intimate,
affectional encounters.
Sears (1957) reports another behavioral pattern associated with inadequate
infant-mother encounters. A relatively cold and undemonstrative
attitude toward the infant, combined with high sexual anxiety on
the part of the mother and severe toilet training, were "most efficient
in producing prolonged bed-wetting." Severe toilet training increased
the amount of upset in children whose mothers were relatively
cold and undemonstrative.
However, the mother's "coldness" per se did
not appear to upset the child; "coldness" had to be manifested overtly,
through severe training practices, before it produced the noted disturbances
in behavior. On the other hand, Sewell (1953) found in a study
of 5-6 year old children that the personality adjustment and traits of
those who had varying infant-adult encounters did not differ significantly
from each other.
Personality adjustment and traits of children
did not differ significantly whether or not as infants they were suckled
or bottle fed, fed on a self-demand schedule or on a regular schedule,
weaned gradually or weaned abruptly, introduced to bowel training
early or late, introduced to bladder training early or late, were not
punished for toilet training accidents or were punished, slept with
their mothers during infancy or did not sleep with their mothers.
Personality adjustment and traits of children whose infantile security appeared
to be favorable did not differ significantly from those of
children where it appeared to be insecure. Personality adjustment and
traits of children whose toilet training experience appeared to be favorable
did not differ significantly from those of children whose
scores were unfavorable, and personality adjustment and traits of children
whose feeding training appeared to be favorable did not differ
significantly from those of children whose scores were unfavorable. The
findings of Spitz and Sewell are not directly comparable, but they do
point out the need for additional research.